National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism
Report to the Extramural Advisory Board
August 16 - 17, 2006
Division of Epidemiology and Prevention Research
Strategic Planning Document
Table of Contents
This is the strategic plan of the newly formed Division of Epidemiology and Prevention Research of the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. It is meant to be a statement to researchers in the field of the Division's judgment as to what the near-term priorities should be for research on the epidemiology and prevention of alcohol-related problems -- the areas that show the greatest need and promise for scientific advancement.
The process of developing the plan involved several steps. First, members of the Division met to develop a mission statement. Then they identified categories of mortality which could be attributable in significant fraction to alcohol consumption. Next, they investigated trends in these categories of alcohol-attributable morbidity and mortality. Also considered were a number of related areas of research endeavor which impact and/or interdigitate with the areas identified by considering alcohol attributable morbidity and mortality including health services, advertising, public policy, minorities, elderly, measurement, nosology and genetic epidemiology. NIAAA special initiatives lodged in the Division’s research portfolio, or to which division members make a substantial contribution were also considered including college and underage drinking, AIDS, the Alcohol Policy Information System, and the Alcohol Epidemiology Data System. Division members reviewed research findings to assess the recent progress of science in each area. They reviewed the current research grant portfolio with an eye toward whether there were categories of considerable importance in terms of alcohol-attributable morbidity and mortality which had not been receiving commensurate research attention. All Division members attended and participated in an Institute wide Strategic Planning meeting where all Research Emphasis Teams and each Division presented its highest research priorities and the rationale for those priorities. Then, the Division held a series of discussions to identify what should be the key priorities for future research investment. These priorities are listed in bullet form at the end of each report subsection.
During these deliberations, Division members were careful to note areas where the Division's programmatic responsibilities overlapped with elements selected for emphasis by the Institute-wide strategic planning process. These were: (1) the development of tools for expanding the delivery of screening and brief interventions to adolescent drinkers and (2) the identification of gaps between need for alcohol treatment services and the actual receipt of treatment, combined with an analysis of whether this gap is widening and an identification of subpopulations among whom this gap reflects a substantial health disparity.
The final selection criteria were significance of the problem in terms of overall contribution to morbidity and mortality, scientific accomplishments that indicated that breakthrough advances were possible or likely, and relative neglect of subject areas in terms of numbers of grants funded in the current portfolio.
This overall process resulted in the identification of a number of research priority areas.
ENHANCING MEASUREMENT AND TRENDS IN ALCOHOL-ATTRIBUTABLE MORTALITYAlthough alcohol consumption is estimated to cause 75,000 or more deaths per year from a wide variety of causes, research is needed to improve our understanding of the mortality consequences of alcohol consumption and to document alcohol-attributable mortality levels and trends over time. Improving estimation of alcohol-related mortality will provide a stronger basis for assessing the changes in the overall burden of alcohol problems, including identifying progress resulting from NIAAA-funded research and assessing results of initiatives to reduce alcohol-related harm. Detailed examination of trends in alcohol-attributable deaths in specific categories will identify areas of notable progress as well as areas where progress is notably lacking. Specifically, future research should 1) Determine levels and 20-year trends for major categories of alcohol-attributable mortality (including all-cause mortality, deaths associated with acute consequences of alcohol consumption, and deaths from chronic alcohol-related conditions) and for specific alcohol-related causes of death (including, e.g., motor vehicle crashes, homicides, suicides, liver disease, heart disease, pancreatitis, cancers, etc.); 2) Refine estimates of alcohol-attributable fractions and disability-adjusted life years (DALY’s) for various acute and chronic alcohol-related conditions to account for key subpopulations based on sex, age, and race/ethnicity and assess how attributable fractions for specific conditions have changed over the past 20 years; and 3) Assess the feasibility and utility of expanded routine comprehensive testing of injury deaths for alcohol involvement, including the potential of such testing to contribute to significant reductions in alcohol-related injury mortality.
The sections most relevant to this research priority are:
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ALCOHOL-RELATED MORTALITY AND MORBIDITY
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| B. UNINTENTIONAL INJURY | 20 | |
| C. INTENTIONAL INJURY | 33 | |
| D. CHRONIC DISEASES | 41 | |
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KEY ISSUES
OF ENVIRONMENTAL/PSYCHOSOCIAL/ CULTURAL CONTEXT A. MINORITIES |
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| B. AGING | 52 | |
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OVERARCHING METHODOLOGICAL
ISSUES A. MEASUREMENT OF ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION |
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At all stages of the lifespan, there is a need to understand relationships between alcohol and nutrition. Alcohol may interact with nutrition to reduce or increase risk for cognitive, behavioral, and health outcomes during fetal development, childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age. Observing relationships may depend on how alcohol and nutrition are measured. Alcohol can be measured in many ways, for example, average volume, quantity, frequency, binge drinking, weekend or weekday drinking. Nutrition is multidimensional, including dietary intake of foods and food groups, eating patterns, nutrient intakes, nutrient biomarkers, and anthropometrics. Research is needed to understand the role of alcohol-nutrition interactions in the development and prevention of Fetal Alcohol Syndrome, the developmental origins of adult disease, youth drinking, and alcohol-related acute and chronic disease outcomes including liver disease, obesity, cardiovascular disease, cancers, and depression. In all these areas, nutrient alcohol-gene interactions are of particular interest. Risk due to physical inactivity and smoking should also be considered. Cultural considerations are important as intakes of both alcohol and diet differ according to racial/ethnic groups. An area of particular concern is the association between alcohol and obesity. The morbidity associated with obesity is considerable, including increased risk for hypertension, elevated cholesterol, Type 2 diabetes, coronary heart disease, stroke, sleep apnea, and respiratory problems ( http://www.cdc.gov/nccdphp/dnpa/obesity/index.htm ). Since the 1980s, there has been a doubling of the prevalence of obesity among adults, and a tripling of the number of children who are overweight. The trend continues. At present, 31% of adults are obese, and 16% of children are overweight (Flegal, 2005 1 ). There is a need to understand causal links between alcohol and obesity as drinking, particularly heavy drinking, may be contributing to the epidemic of overweight and obesity. Recent data show that higher quantity drinkers have a higher body mass index than lower quantity drinkers (Breslow and Smothers, 2005 2 ).
The sections most relevant to this research priority are:
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KEY ISSUES
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49 49 52 |
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OVERARCHING
METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES A. MEASUREMENT OF ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION |
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SPECIAL
INITIATIVES: GRANTS* AND CONTRACTS |
84 84 90 93 |
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1 Flegal KM. Epidemiologic aspects of overweight and obesity in the United States. Physiol Behav. 86(5): 599-602, 2005.
2 Breslow RA and Smothers BA. Drinking patterns and body mass index in never smokers: National Health Interview Survey, 1997-200. Am J Epidemiol. 161: 368-376, 2005.
3 An alcohol-attributable fraction, or AAF, represents the proportion of death or illness from a particular condition that can be attributed to alcohol consumption.
4 3.9 million were dependent on or abused drugs only bringing the total number of substance abusers and dependents to 22.5 million or 9.4% of the U.S. population.
5 See Dawson, 2003 for a discussion of the operationalization of the volume of ethanol and the frequency of risk drinking.
6 The following discussion of event-level consumption data is adapted from Neal DJ et al. "Capturing the moment: Innovative approaches to daily alcohol assessment." Alcohol Clin Exp Res. 30(2):828-291, 2006.
7 This discussion is adapted from the Helzer et al. "Should DSM-V include dimensional diagnostic criteria for alcohol use disorders?" Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research 30(2):303-310, 2006.
8 The following is adapted from NIAAA’s Task Force of the National Advisory Council on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. “A Call to Action: Changing the Culture of Drinking at U.S. Colleges” report.
9 Minorities was also coded as a problem/topic area
which allowed for a project to be assigned to multiple categories; using
this approach results in $20.4 million dollars addressing minority populations.
Recent analyses of the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions indicate the earlier people begin to drink, the more rapidly they develop dependence. Nearly half of people who experience alcohol dependence first do so by age 21 and 2/3 by age 25. Those first dependent at younger ages are less likely to seek treatment and more likely to develop chronic relapsing dependence characterized by multiple episodes, episodes of longer duration and more symptoms.
Recent studies in pediatric emergency departments and college settings have indicated that screening and brief motivational interventions can reduce drinking and related problems among adolescents and young adults. However, only a small fraction of adolescents and young adults with alcohol use disorders receive any counseling or treatment. Therefore it is essential that we further evaluate and expand the utilization of screening and brief interventions in these populations. More specifically, we need to 1) develop screening instruments for adolescent alcohol abuse and dependence that consider developmental stage and are sensitive to the unique characteristics of adolescent development; 2) expand screening of and brief interventions among adolescents and young adults into other health care settings where these populations are seen; 3) evaluate the efficacy, effectiveness and cost benefits of screening and brief interventions in these additional settings; 4) explore barriers to screening and brief interventions among adolescents and young adult populations; and 5) assess the impact of strategies to remove those barriers; 6) assess whether interventions that reduce adolescent alcohol use/abuse/dependence also reduce adverse consequences and alcohol abuse and dependence throughout the life span; and 7) evaluate the relative effectiveness, and cost-effectiveness of intervening early versus later in the life-course.
The sections most relevant to this research priority are:
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MORTALITY AND MORBIDITY A. OVERVIEW B. UNINTENTIONAL INJURY C. INTENTIONAL INJURY |
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KEY ISSUES OF ENVIRONMENTAL/PSYCHOSOCIAL/ CULTURAL CONTEXT |
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SPECIAL INITIATIVES: GRANTS* AND CONTRACTS
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Research indicates that comprehensive community programs focusing on environmental interventions can reduce alcohol-related mortality, morbidity and other problems. Screening brief interventions and family interventions can also reduce drinking and related problems. Few comprehensive community programs to date have combined these approaches. Research is needed to compare interventions that combine environmental prevention initiatives with efforts to increase screening, brief interventions and/or family and alcohol treatment for those who need it with initiatives that do one or the other. This need is especially urgent in adolescent and young adult populations and certain special populations such as college students that disproportionately experience these negative consequences. The effects of community interventions on drinking and related problems need to be evaluated and effectiveness and cost effectiveness comparisons made between interventions that are environmentally oriented only, those that focus on increased screening, brief interventions, family interventions, and treatment only, and those that promote both types of interventions.
Such research would go beyond previous studies of comprehensive interventions which have focused on reducing underage and adult drinking, binge drinking, abuse/dependence and alcohol impaired driving and related morbidity and mortality. Such research should also examine the effects of these interventions on a wider range of outcomes including: alcohol-related unintentional injuries (falls, drowning, burns, poisonings), intentional injuries (homicide, suicide, assaults including sexual assaults and child abuse), academic and job performance, quality of life at later stages in the life course, illicit drug use, and liver cirrhosis.
The sections most relevant to this research priority are:
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KEY ISSUES OF ENVIRONMENTAL/PSYCHOSOCIAL/
CULTURAL CONTEXT
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SPECIAL
INITIATIVES: GRANTS* AND CONTRACTS A. COLLEGE DRINKING* B. UNDERAGE DRINKING* |
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E. OTHER STRATEGIC REVIEW EMPHASIS AREAS
Strategic review of alcohol-related mortality and morbidity, recent trends, and distribution across the lifespan underscores the need for research focused on prevention and youth. Focusing more attention on alcohol-related injury deaths than chronic alcohol-related disease deaths is warranted because injuries are the leading causes of alcohol-attributable deaths and the causes which account for the greatest number of preventable years of life lost as a consequence of alcohol misuse. Motor vehicle crashes is the largest single category of alcohol-attributable deaths and also the category where the greatest reductions have been documented in the last 25 years.
Liver disease is the largest category of chronic disease alcohol-attributable deaths and warrants more DEPR research attention. Special populations, such as Native Americans and some Hispanic sub-populations deserve research focus because of high rates of risky drinking, and Asian Pacific Americans because of low rates. Given the expansion of alcohol advertising in recent years, more research should examine the effects of advertising on drinking behavior, particularly among youth. Because of the investment NIAAA has made in the Alcohol Policy Information System (APIS), DEPR intends to stimulate use of the APIS in public health policy and health services research.
The sections most relevant to this research priority are:
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KEY ISSUES OF ENVIRONMENTAL/PSYCHOSOCIAL/
CULTURAL CONTEXT A. MINORITIES B. AGING C. HEALTH SERVICES D. PUBLIC POLICY E. ADVERTISING |
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SPECIAL INITIATIVES: GRANTS* AND CONTRACTS |
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In January 2005, the Division of Epidemiology and Prevention Research of the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) began, along with the rest of the Institute, a Strategic Planning Review in order to inform the development of a strategic plan for NIAAA for 2006-2010.
First, members of the Division met to develop a mission statement (see box). Because the Division was formed from two separate branches at the Institute, the Epidemiology Branch from the former Division of Biometry and Epidemiology, and the Prevention Branch from the former Division of Clinical and Prevention Research, as well as staff from the former Office of Collaborative Research, this was the first time a mission statement was prepared combining the goals of each. The new mission statement, not only defines the research and administrative goals of the Division, it outlines how the Division relates to the other NIAAA divisions and to NIAAA’s research priority teams.
Summary of Mission Statement
The Division of Epidemiology and Prevention Research (DEPR) seeks to reduce alcohol-related mortality and morbidity and other alcohol-related problems and consequences through the integration and application of epidemiology and prevention science by:(For Complete Mission Statement See Appendix A)
Next, the Division reviewed recent publications on the magnitude of alcohol-related mortality in the U.S. Midanik et al. (2004) reported that there were over 75,000 alcohol attributable deaths in the United States in 2001, and identified excessive alcohol consumption as the third leading preventable cause of death in the U.S. Approximately 40,000 of the 75,000 deaths resulted from acute conditions such as unintentional and intentional injuries and the balance from chronic diseases (See Table 1).
Third, the Division undertook an analysis of trends over the last 20 years in the major categories of alcohol attributable deaths per 100,000 population. For some types of deaths (e.g. traffic deaths), estimates of alcohol involvement can be derived on an annual basis. In the case of traffic deaths, estimates are based on the testing of fatally injured drivers. For certain other conditions (e.g. alcohol-related liver cirrhosis, alcohol psychosis, alcohol dependence and alcohol abuse), alcohol is the cause of the disease or disorder and is mentioned in its name. For these, the alcohol attributable fraction 3 is 100%. However, alcohol also plays a role in many other causes of death, for which, the alcohol attributable fraction is not 100% and must be estimated. It is not known whether alcohol attributable fractions have changed over time, in particular over the past two decades (e.g. declines in tobacco use may have affected the alcohol-attributable fraction for oral cancers). And while it is possible to track the overall numbers of deaths from certain causes (e.g. falls, drownings, burns, homicides, suicides), alcohol involvement in these cases is typically not documented, so it is not possible to track the numbers of these types of deaths that are alcohol-related, or to assess whether the proportions of these various types of deaths that are alcohol attributable have changed over time.
Also considered were a number of research areas that influence alcohol-related mortality and morbidity such as health services, advertising, public policy, minorities, elderly, nosology, measurement and genetic epidemiology. Further, we considered NIAAA initiatives lodged in the Division, or to which division members make a large contribution: college and underage drinking, AIDS, the Alcohol Policy Information System, and the Alcohol Epidemiology Data System.
As a next step, the Division undertook a review of its current research portfolio examining both the numbers of grants and dollars spent on grants in certain categories. The portfolio was evaluated according to: whether a grant is focused primarily on epidemiology or prevention; the population under study (e.g. age, gender, race/ethnic group); and the type of mortality, morbidity or social problem under study. This was done to assess whether there are important causes of mortality and morbidity and/or population subgroups not receiving sufficient research attention. (For a summary of the Division’s Research Portfolio according to these categories, see Appendix B.)
Finally, members of the division met to review the information accrued from the four steps outlined above. All division members attended the Institute wide Strategic Planning meeting in July 2005 and were asked during these deliberations to also consider the strategic plan priorities and rationales for those priorities posed by the various Institute Research Emphasis Teams and other Divisions. Division members discussed key aspects of the relationship of alcohol, and health and well-being in order to identify priorities for future alcohol research. Division members were then asked to prepare brief reviews of each of the areas identified. The reviews include a discussion of the magnitude and consequences of the particular alcohol-related problem for the nation, recent trends in the magnitude and consequences of that problem, which groups in the population are most affected, what is known about the etiology of the problem, how alcohol contributes to the problem, what is known from rigorous scientific research about what can be done to prevent the problem, and a summary of recent relevant research funding and findings from that research. Finally, Division staff was asked to articulate key research questions in each domain, the answers to which would better enable society to address the problem, and thereby reduce alcohol attributable mortality and morbidity. This report combines those reviews into a Division-wide statement of research progress and priorities.
Table 1

Source: Midanik et al. (2004). MMWR. 53(37): 866-870
III. ALCOHOL-RELATED MORTALITY AND MORBIDITY
A. OVERVIEWAlcohol consumption ranks among the leading causes of death and poor health in the United States. Adverse health consequences of alcohol consumption include a wide range of injuries, both unintentional and intentional, as well as numerous chronic health conditions. Because of the wide range of adverse health effects associated with alcohol consumption, no single measure can provide a complete representation of the burden to population health that results from alcohol consumption. Instead, a variety of measures may provide insights into the nature and extent of alcohol-attributable harms to health. Indicators of the health burden attributable to alcohol include direct measures of mortality and morbidity, indirect measures of adverse health consequences based on health care utilization, synthetic measures of population health that integrate mortality and morbidity in a single metric, and broader measures of the adverse economic effects of alcohol consumption.
Methodological and measurement factors affect indicators of the health burden attributable to alcohol, leading to significant variation across measures that might be expected to yield similar findings. Among the main sources of variation are differences in the specific conditions that may be caused by alcohol consumption that are included or excluded in a particular study, and the degree of causation attributed to alcohol consumption for specific conditions and outcomes. Despite the uncertainties arising from these considerations, the clear conclusion across the spectrum of indicators is that alcohol consumption causes or contributes to a significant share of death and poor health in the United States.
MORTALITY
Recent estimates of alcohol-related mortality range from 64,000 to 140,000 per year for 2000 or 2001 (Midanik et al., 2004; Mokdad et al., 2004; Rivara et al., 2004), with “best judgment” point estimates in the range of 76,000-85,000. Earlier estimates reported by NIAAA for 1979-1996 ranged from 103,000 to 113,000 (NIAAA QuickFacts). Analyses of external modifiable factors that contribute to death, labeled “actual causes of death,” have placed alcohol consumption as the third leading such cause for 1990 and 2000, after (1) tobacco use, and (2) poor diet and physical inactivity (Mokdad et al., 2004; McGinnis and Foege, 1993).
Available evidence indicates that total mortality attributable to alcohol has declined in recent years, although methodological changes may influence the estimates. The Quick Facts section of the NIAAA Web site reports that alcohol-related mortality for the United States declined from a high of 112,933 in 1980 to a low of 103,247 in 1983, followed by 12 years of steady increases to a peak of 111,290 in 1995 before leveling off at 110,640 in 1996.
Several recent studies have estimated alcohol-attributable mortality for 2000 or 2001 at levels substantially below those reported for earlier years. Midanik et al. (2004) estimated alcohol-attributable deaths at 75,766 for 2001 based on condition-specific alcohol-attributable fractions, most of which were calculated using estimates of relative risk drawn from Australian meta-analyses (English et al., 1995; Ridolfo and Stevenson, 2001). Alcohol was the third ranked preventable cause of death in the United States. Rivara et al. (2004) estimated 63,718 alcohol-attributable deaths for 2000 using generally similar methods but based their findings on relative risk estimates comparing heavier alcohol consumption levels to lower-level consumption (rather than to abstention). Mokdad et al. (2004) reported estimates of alcohol-attributable deaths for 2000 based on several alternative methods, including a condition-specific approach using the Australian relative risk estimates that yielded an overall estimate of 69,989 and a best-judgment estimate of approximately 85,000. The differences between recent estimates and earlier findings appear to be due in part to differences in methodology, as the specific conditions and associated attributable fractions included in the recent studies differ significantly from those that factored into the earlier estimates (Bloss, 2005). Taken collectively, however, the clear conclusion to be drawn from these recent studies is that overall alcohol-attributable mortality in the U.S. around the turn of the current century is somewhat lower than had been reported for the late 1980s and early 1990s. As will be discussed, there is strong evidence that alcohol-related traffic deaths, the largest single category of alcohol-related deaths, have shown marked declines since the early 1980s. One analysis indicates reductions in drinking and driving in the U.S. saved 153,000 lives between 1982 and 2001 – more than increased use of seat belts, airbags, bicycle helmets, and motorcycle helmets combined (Cummings et al., 2006)
Studies have also examined the years of potential life lost (YPLLs) due to alcohol, which incorporates information on the age of decedents in alcohol-attributable deaths. Relative to life expectancy, an estimated 2.3 million YPLLs were attributed to alcohol consumption in 2000 (Midanik et al., 2004), accounting for approximately half as many YPLLs as smoking (estimated for 1999) even though smoking accounts for nearly six times as many deaths. An earlier study estimated alcohol-attributable YPLLs for 1987 at 2.7 million (Shultz and Rice, 1990).
A number of studies have examined the risk relations between alcohol consumption and all-cause mortality. The central finding is a clear increase in risk of mortality with increasing consumption above a threshold level of moderate consumption. The majority of studies have found U-shaped or J-shaped relationships between consumption levels and overall mortality, suggesting that low-level alcohol consumption may confer a protective effect on some fatal outcomes relative to abstention (Poikolainen, 1995; Rehm, 2000; Gmel et al., 2003). Two recent studies have questioned the existence of a beneficial effect of low or moderate consumption on all-cause mortality (Fillmore et al., 2006) or cardiovascular mortality (Naimi et al., 2005) on methodological grounds.
MORBIDITY
Measuring the extent of poor health attributable to alcohol consumption is more difficult than measuring deaths caused by alcohol consumption. Few direct measures of alcohol-related morbidity are available. The National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions found that 5.4 percent of men age 18 and older and 2.3 percent of women 18 and older met DSM-IV criteria for alcohol dependence within the past 12 months in 2001-2002. These figures represent modest but significant decreases compared to estimates based on the National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiologic Survey for 1991-1992. In contrast, the prevalence of DSM-IV alcohol abuse increased over the same period, from 4.7 percent to 6.9 percent for men, and from 1.5 percent to 2.6 percent for women (Grant et al., 2004).
For conditions other than alcohol use disorders, the role of alcohol in generating poor health is usually inferred from data on health care utilization. A report on alcohol-related hospital discharges (Chen et al., 2005) based on data from the National Hospital Discharge Survey finds that 424,000 hospital discharge episodes in 2003 for persons 15 and older had a principal (first-listed) alcohol-related diagnosis, and approximately 1.6 million discharges had any alcohol-related diagnosis. Discharges with any alcohol-related diagnosis accounted for between 5 and 6 percent of all hospital discharges in 2003 (excluding discharges for females with delivery of a baby). The alcohol-related diagnoses that formed the basis of these findings were limited to alcoholic psychoses, alcohol dependence syndrome, nondependent abuse of alcohol, and chronic liver disease and cirrhosis. While the final category included some discharges for liver disease that were not caused by alcohol, the overall estimates are surely very conservative because they omit a wide range of conditions known to be partially caused by alcohol consumption, including various cancers, cardiac conditions, stroke, gastro-intestinal conditions, various unintentional and intentional injuries, and fetal effects caused by alcohol. Males accounted for slightly more than twice as many alcohol-related discharges as females, and the rate of alcohol-related hospitalization per 10,000 population was greatest among the 45-64 age group, slightly lower for 65 and older and 25-44 year olds, and considerably lower for 15-24 year olds. The highest rates of hospitalization were for alcohol dependence syndrome and alcoholic psychoses, with lower hospitalization rates for non-dependent abuse of alcohol and for chronic liver disease and cirrhosis. The study also found increasing frequency of alcohol-related diagnoses from 1979-2003, although the frequency of alcohol-related conditions appearing as the first-listed diagnosis declined over the same period. These trends are shown in Figure 1.
Another report examined hospitalizations for alcohol abuse disorders for 2003 based on a different data source and considering only diagnoses of alcoholic psychoses, alcohol dependence syndrome, and nondependent abuse of alcohol. This study found that these alcohol abuse disorders were principally responsible for almost 210,000 hospitalizations and were listed as concomitant conditions for nearly 1.1 million additional hospital stays (Russo and Elixhauser, 2006). An earlier study using a broader set of alcohol-related conditions estimated the total number of hospital days attributable to alcohol at 5.3 million for the United States for 1992 (Harwood et al., 1998).
Figure 1
Trends in percent of discharges with principal (first-listed) or any (all-listed) mention of an alcohol-related diagnosis among all discharges, 1979–2003.
*Note: Shaded are represents the period before implementation of a new sample design which may affect the trend data. Caution should be taken when making comparisons between the new and old sample design periods.
Source: Chen et al., 2005
Further indicators of the contributions of alcohol consumption to acute health problems are available from studies of alcohol-related visits to emergency departments. McDonald et al. (2004) estimated that the number of emergency department (ED) visits in the United States attributable to alcohol averaged 7.6 million per year over from 1992 to 2000, accounting for 7.9 percent of all ED visits over that period, with a rising trend showing an overall 18 percent increase in alcohol-related ED visits over the 9-year study period. Elder et al. (2004) considered alcohol-related ED visits among 13-25 year-olds, and found 244,331 visits to U.S EDs during 2001 by patients age 13-25, with half of these patients under the legal drinking age. Cherpital and colleagues (2005) used meta-analytic methods to estimate risks attributable to drinking before the injury (evidenced by positive BAC or self-report) and to a pattern of binge drinking (5+ drinks at least once per month) for both all-cause and violence-related injuries. They found that only between 2 percent (positive BAC) and 6 percent (self-report) of all-cause injuries were attributable to drinking before the occurrence of the injury, and 6 percent were attributable to binge drinking patterns. Violence-related injuries, however, showed a much stronger relationship to alcohol consumption, with between 28 percent (positive BAC) and 43 percent (self-report) of such injuries attributable to drinking before the occurrence of the injury, and 27 percent attributable to binge-drinking patterns. For each category, attributable risks were at least three times as large for men as for women.
The clear conclusion that emerges from studies of morbidity attributable to alcohol is that alcohol consumption accounts for a significant share of poor health in the United States.
OTHER MEASURES OF HEALTH BURDEN
Recent research has emphasized summary measures of population health that incorporate mortality and morbidity effects into a single measure (Gold et al., 2002; Murray et al., 2000). A leading measure of the health burden of specific diseases or risk factors is disability-adjusted life years (DALYs). Conceptually, DALYs represent the sum of life-years lost to a particular condition plus a weighted fraction of years lived with disability as a result of the condition, with the fractional weights increasing with greater degrees of disability. A recent study of the contribution of various diseases and risk factors to the overall burden of disease in the United States found that alcohol use was the 5th-leading source of DALYs for men and the 11th-leading source of DALYs for women in 1996 (McKenna et al., 2005). For both groups, the burden of disability attributed to alcohol far outweighed the years of life lost (by a factor of 8 for men and a factor of more than 16 for women). This estimate may err on the conservative side, however, as there is no indication of the range of health consequences attributed to alcohol consumption. In addition, an earlier study using DALYs to assess the burden attributable to various risk factors in an international framework reported deaths attributable to alcohol use net of deaths averted as a result of alcohol use through the hypothesized protective effect of alcohol consumption on cardiovascular disease (Murray and Lopez, 1997). The low number of deaths (6,000) attributed to alcohol use in the more recent study suggests that a similar procedure may have been used. Thus, the burden of the adverse consequences of alcohol use may be greater than this study suggests.
POPULATIONS AT RISK
Numerous studies have documented increasing risk of all-cause mortality with heavier average consumption levels, indicating that heavy drinkers face increased alcohol-related mortality risks. For some conditions, particularly various outcomes associated with acute intoxication, evidence suggests that concentrating a given amount of consumption in fewer drinking occasions leads to increases in risk (Gutjahr et al., 2001). These considerations indicate, not surprisingly, that risks of alcohol-related death and illness may be greatest among drinkers with heavy average consumption levels and those who drink heavily on an episodic basis. A study of U.S. data found that increases in risk among heavy drinkers were found among those who met criteria for alcohol dependence, while protective effects associated with moderate alcohol consumption were limited to those without alcohol dependence (Dawson, 2000). Alcohol-related mortality is greater among males than among females, reflecting males’ greater consumption levels. Because alcohol-related motor vehicle crash injuries represent the largest single category of alcohol-related deaths, drinking drivers and their passengers are also identifiable as an at-risk group.
RESEARCH PROGRESS
Estimation of alcohol-related mortality may be accomplished through cause-specific or all-cause estimation methods. In either case, alcohol-attributable fractions are generally derived from estimates of relative risk (RR) for various exposure levels combined with prevalence rates for those exposure levels. The current state-of-the-art involves meta-analyses of individual studies to arrive at pooled estimates of relative risk. This approach was advanced by English et al. (1995) with refinements by Ridolfo and Stevenson (2001) and is the subject of a NIAAA-contracted study conducted by Harvard University School of Public Health.
Use of alcohol-attributable fractions raises a number of methodological and conceptual issues (Rockhill et al., 1998). Based on the detail available in the underlying studies, relative risk estimates may differentiate by population groups (e.g., sex, age groups). Different relative risks for specific conditions may also be associated with different patterns of consumption (e.g., consumption parameters beyond measures of average volume of ethanol) and the extent to which potential confounders such as diet, physical activity, and smoking have been controlled. To the extent that consumption patterns may vary across population groups, these two categorizations may be confounded (Bloss, 2005; Rehm and Gmel, 2003; Rehm et al., 2002).
There is now substantial evidence of beneficial effects of moderate alcohol consumption for cardiovascular disease (Mukamal and Rimm, 2001; Corrao et al., 2000). Additional beneficial effects have been suggested, but not conclusively determined, for ischemic stroke, diabetes, and cholelithiasis (gallstones) and may be present for other conditions as well (Ashley et al., 2000). Particularly given the apparent strength of the beneficial effect and the aggregate number of deaths attributable to cardiovascular disease, it is important to report such effects appropriately. This may not mean, however, offsetting beneficial effects against adverse consequences, but instead may require separate reporting of beneficial and adverse effects at various levels of consumption.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS/ DIRECTIONS
According to the U.S. Center for Disease Control, 40,933 injury deaths in 2001 were attributable to alcohol [See Table 1]. Unintentional injuries are the leading cause of death in the United States for persons ages 1-44 and intentional injury is the second leading cause for persons age 8-34 (CDC WISQARS, 2005). In 2001, the numbers of alcohol attributable deaths for the major types of unintentional injuries were 13,878 for motor vehicle crashes, 4,766 for deaths due to falls, 812 for drownings, and 3,964 for poisonings (not alcohol only). There were also 7,655 alcohol attributable homicides and 3,964 alcohol-attributable suicides. Injury deaths are attributed to alcohol if the persons who died had a blood alcohol level of .10%. (The legal blood alcohol limit for intoxication for operating a motor vehicle is .08%.)
A review of over 300 medical examiner studies published in scientific peer review journals in the U.S. from 1975-1995 (Smith et al., 1999) revealed alcohol is a factor in 40% of motor vehicle deaths, 39% of other unintentional injury deaths, 47% of homicides and 29% of suicides. Thus, alcohol is a, if not the leading contributor to unintentional and intentional injuries, the leading causes of death among persons aged 1-44.
1. Motor Vehicle Crash Deaths
MAGNITUDE OF THE PROBLEM
Traffic deaths are the leading type of alcohol attributable death in the U.S. surpassing every other category of acute or chronic alcohol attributable death. They are the leading cause of death for persons ages 2-33 in the U.S. (NHTSA, 2003 a-e). According to NHTSA, 41 percent of people fatally injured in traffic crashes were in alcohol–related crashes (i.e., those in which a driver or pedestrian had a blood alcohol concentration [BAC] greater than zero), and 35 percent were in crashes involving someone with a BAC of 0.08 percent or higher. Of the total number of people injured in traffic crashes, 9 percent were injured in alcohol–related crashes (225,000 out of 2,926,000).
Traffic crashes are more likely to result in death or injury if alcohol is involved. Of all alcohol–related crashes in 2002, 4 percent resulted in a death, and 42 percent in an injury. In contrast, of the crashes that did not involve alcohol, 0.6 percent resulted in a death, and 31 percent in an injury.
Many people other than drinking drivers are killed in crashes involving drinking drivers. Overall in 2002, 44 percent of those who died in traffic crashes involving a drinking driver with a BAC of 0.01 percent or higher were people other than the drinking driver: 7 percent were other drivers in vehicles struck by drinking drivers, 22 percent were passengers in vehicles with drinking drivers or struck by drinking drivers, 13 percent were pedestrians, and 2 percent were bicyclists. In 2002, 573 children younger than age 16 died in crashes involving drinking drivers (Hingson and Winter, 2003).
TRENDS
In 2004, 39% of persons fatally injured in traffic crashes (16,654/42,800) were in alcohol-related crashes and 8% of people injured in traffic crashes were in alcohol-related crashes 228,000/2,757,000 (NHTSA, 2005a, b).
In 1982 NHTSA first began reporting alcohol-related and non alcohol-related traffic death totals for the nation. Alcohol-related traffic crash deaths declined from 26,173 in 1982 to 16,654 in 2004, a 36% decline. During the same time period non alcohol-related traffic deaths increased from 17,772 to 25,989 a 46% increase. Per 100,000 population alcohol-related traffic deaths declined 50% from 11.3 to 5.67 while non alcohol-related traffic deaths increased 16% from 7.67 to 8.90 [Figure 2].
POPULATIONS AT RISK
Males are more likely than females to be involved in alcohol-related (i.e. driver or pedestrian BAC greater than zero) fatal crashes. In 2002, 78 percent of people killed in alcohol–related crashes (including drivers, passengers, and pedestrians) were male (NHTSA, 2003a). Forty–six percent of male traffic deaths are alcohol-related, compared with 29 percent of female traffic deaths.
Traffic deaths among elderly people and children are less likely to be alcohol-related than those among young and middle–aged adults. Only 15 percent of traffic deaths among adults age 65 and over were alcohol-related, compared with 23 percent of traffic deaths among children under age 16, 37 percent among 16– to 20–year–olds, 57 percent among 21– to 29–year–olds, 53 percent among 30– to 45–year–olds, and 38 percent among 46– to 64–year–olds. Alcohol–related traffic deaths are more likely to occur at lower BACs among 16– to 20–year–olds, compared with other age groups. A majority of alcohol–related traffic deaths among 16– to 20–year–olds occur at below 0.15 percent BAC (i.e., referring to the highest BAC of a driver or pedestrian involved in the crash). In the general population, however, a majority of traffic deaths occur at above 0.15 percent BAC (NHTSA 2003a).
The earlier that people begin to drink the greater their likelihood of being in motor vehicle crashes not only as adolescents but also as adults (Hingson et al., 2002). Those who begin drinking prior to age 14 are seven times more likely to be in a motor vehicle crash than those who wait to age 21 or older to start drinking. These relations are still significant after controlling for age, gender, race, income, marital status, personal history of smoking and illicit drug use as well as family history of alcohol abuse.
A special initiative linked nearly 200,000 records from the 1990 to 1994 FARS data with death certificate information on race and ethnicity from the National Bureau of Health Statistics (Voas and Tippetts, 1999). Information was available only for people who died in crashes, not drivers who survived fatal crashes. During that time period, 72 percent of people killed in alcohol–related fatal crashes were White, 12.1 percent African American, 2.4 percent Native American, 1.2 percent Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs), and 12.7 percent Hispanic (including Mexican Americans [8.7 percent], Puerto Ricans [0.6 percent], Cubans [0.3 percent], Central and South Americans [1.1 percent], and people of other Hispanic origins [2.0 percent]). During the same period, according to the U.S. Census Bureau, 83 percent of the U.S. population was White, 13 percent African American, 1 percent Native American, 3 percent AAPI, and 10 percent Hispanic.
Figure 2
Alcohol and Non-Alcohol-Related Traffic Fatalities
Per 100,000 Population
Source: Midanik et al. (2004). MMWR. 53(37): 866-870
The proportion of traffic fatalities that were alcohol-related varied considerably by race and ethnicity. Among all groups, 38 percent of traffic deaths were alcohol-related. Native Americans had the highest percentage of traffic deaths that were alcohol-related (68 percent). Whites and African Americans had similar proportions (38 percent and 39 percent, respectively). Within Hispanic groups there was considerable variability: Alcohol was involved in 50 percent of traffic deaths among Mexican Americans, 42 percent among Central/South Americans, 36 percent among Puerto Ricans, and 24 percent among Cubans. AAPIs had the lowest percentage of alcohol–related traffic deaths of any ethnic group (19 percent).
In every racial or ethnic group examined, a higher proportion of male than female deaths were alcohol-related. This was true for drivers, passengers, pedestrians, and cyclists. In almost every racial/ethnic group, the age group with the highest percentage of drivers and pedestrians who died in alcohol–related crashes was the 21– to 49–year–old group (Voas and Tippetts, 1999).
Evidence about the relationship between alcohol dependence and alcohol-related crashes is available from the National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiologic Survey (NLAES). This 1992 national survey of adults 18 and older (N=42,000) used the Alcohol Use and Associated Disabilities Interview Schedule (AUDADIS) (Grant and Hasin, 1992) to determine whether respondents would be diagnosed with alcohol dependence or alcohol abuse based on criteria from the Diagnostic Statistical Manual Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) American Psychiatric Associated (APA) 1994.
Thirteen percent of respondents were diagnosed as having been alcohol dependent at some point in their lives. This group represents 65% of those who reported ever being in a motor vehicle crash because of having too much to drink (based on self report) and 72% of those who had been in alcohol-related crash during the year prior to the interview (Hingson and Winter, 2003).
ALCOHOL DRUGS AND DRIVING
According to the National Household Survey on Drug Use and Health, a nationally representative survey of 67,784 persons 12 and older in the U.S. conducted in 2003, during the survey year 50% of respondents, representing 119 million persons nationwide, drank alcohol and 8.2% used illicit drugs, representing 19.5 million people. Just under one third of drinkers 13.6%, 32.3 million people, drove under the influence of alcohol. Over half of illicit drug users drove after drug use, 4.6% of respondents representing 10.9 million people. One percent, 2.4 million people, drove after using drugs but not alcohol while 3.6%, 8.6 million people, drove after both drug use and consumption of alcohol. The traffic safety risks posed by alcohol impairment among drivers have been clearly established for decades through both experimental research and case-controlled studies.
Research on the traffic safety risks of drug use are not so clear for numerous reasons including:
In a review article on this topic Ogden and Moskowitz (2004) observed that drugs in combination with alcohol may increase collision risk through effects on
The authors of the study state that the effects on these domains of functioning from substances other than alcohol is more complex because of the number of substances of potential interest, the difficulty of estimating drug levels and the complexities of drug/subject interaction. The drugs of concern are marijuana, benzodiazepines, and other psychoactive medications including stimulants and narcotics. They conclude, therefore, that no single test or group of tests currently meets the need for detecting and documenting impairment either in the laboratory or at roadside. They further expressed concern that diverting traffic safety resources at this point into a “war on drugs” will probably be counter productive for traffic safety.
Only a handful of case control studies have been completed that explore the risks of driving after drug use and driving after drug use in combination with alcohol. In perhaps the most intriguing of these, Mathejssen and Howig (2006) recently studied 3374 (99%) drivers stopped at 50 different research sites over 28 consecutive six hour periods in Tilbourg, Netherlands. These drivers were given alcohol breath tests or blood or urine drug tests which were confirmed by either gas chromatography/mass spectrometry, high performance liquid chromatography or enzyme multipliers immunoassy technique (depending on type of sample and/or drug). They were compared to 184 seriously injured drivers treated at the Emergency Department of the Tilbourg St. Elizabeth Hospital. Blood samples were available from 121 cases and urine from 63 for testing alcohol or drug use.
An eight fold increased risk for serious road injury was found at BAC’s of 0.05% to 0.08% and rose exponentially as BAC levels increased consistent with prior case control studies in the U.S. (Borkenstein et al., 1964). At BAC levels below 0.05%, the injury odds among benzodiazepine using drivers was OR= 2.98 [95% CI (1.31, 6.75)]. At a BAC of 0.01-0.08%, use of a combination of drugs was associated with an increase of serious injury [OR=12.9 (3.78-44.2)]. At a BAC of 0.08% or higher, use of a combination of drugs increased the odds further [OR=179 (49.9-638)].
While intriguing, it should be noted that the study had case and control groups too small to identify significantly increased odds of serious injury in crashes involving the use of specific drugs consumed in combination with alcohol. Moskowitz (2006) in reviewing the Mathijessen case/control study noted that both cases and controls gave either urine or blood thereby making determination of drug influence more difficult. Further, he questioned whether the control group (a representative sample of area drivers) were similar or different than case drivers on other characteristics that could influence injury crash risk.
Many people drive after using drugs and drugs and alcohol in combination. Further, preliminary studies indicate driving after drinking and drug use in combination may dramatically increase injury crash risk. However, because the effects of these behaviors in combination are poorly understood, research is needed to assess the crash risks linked with driving after drinking and driving after drug use. This need is heightened because of scarce resources for traffic safety enforcement.
RESEARCH PROGRESS ON POLICY DEVELOPMENTS
Since 1982 when the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration first began recording alcohol-related traffic fatalities in all states, the sharpest decline in alcohol-related traffic deaths has been among persons 16-20 years old. From 1982 through 2004 alcohol-related deaths in this age group have declined 60% from 5,244 to 2,115. Over the same period, among persons in this age group, non-alcohol-related traffic deaths increased 38% as more young people were licensed to drive and drove more miles. During the same period, alcohol related traffic deaths declined 36% among persons of all ages from 26,173 to 16,654. The greater decline in alcohol-related traffic deaths among persons 16-20 is in part attributable to adoption of the age 21 minimum legal drinking age. A review of 49 studies of changes in the legal drinking age revealed that in the 1970’s and 1980’s when many states lowered the drinking age, states lowering the age experienced on average a 10% increase in alcohol-related crashes involving drivers in the targeted ages. In contrast, when states raised the drinking age, they experienced on average a 16% decline in alcohol-related crashes involving drivers in the targeted ages (Shults et al. 2001). Wagenaar and Toomey (2002) who examined 48 studies of the effects of these laws on drinking and 57 on traffic crashes concluded that of all interventions studied to reduce youth drinking problems “[raising] the age of legal purchase has been the most successful to date.” One national study of laws raising the drinking age to 21 indicated that persons who grew up in states that raised the age of legal purchase to 21 not only drank less when they were younger than 21, but also when they were 21-25 (O’Malley and Wagenaar, 1991). NHTSA estimates that the legal drinking age of 21 prevents 700-1000 traffic deaths per year, resulting in more than 23,000 deaths that have been prevented by those laws since 1976.
Other laws targeting adult drivers have also contributed to declines in alcohol-related fatal crashes. Criminal per se laws make it a criminal offense to drive above the legal blood alcohol limit. Administrative license revocation (ALR) laws allow the police to administratively seize at the scene the drivers license of a driver operating a motor vehicle with a blood alcohol level above the legal limit. Criminal per se laws are in effect in all 50 states and administrative license revocation laws in 41 states. Criminal per se laws have been shown to reduce alcohol-related traffic deaths (Zador et al., 1989; Voas et al., 2000) but the ALR laws produce greater deterrent effects and fatal crash reductions because the license suspension is more swift and certain than with per se offenses which often result in trials and variable rates of conviction. Zero Tolerance laws making it illegal for drivers under 21 to drive after any drinking have been associated with approximately a 20% decline in alcohol-related fatal crashes and driving after drinking (Hingson et al., 1994; Wagenaar et al., 2001; Tippetts et al., 2005).
In 2000 Congress passed legislation to withhold federal highway construction funds from states unless they lowered the legal limit from .10% to .08%. By 2003 all 50 states adopted .08% laws. To reach a blood alcohol level of .08% a typical 170 pound male would need to consume 5 drinks over a two hour period and a 135 pound female 4 drinks, an amount recently classified by NIAAA as binge drinking. Some single state studies of lowering legal limits to 0.08% found insignificant effects of the law either because of low statistical power (Foss et al. 1998) or because other laws like ALR were passed in close proximity to 0.08% laws (Rogers 1995). However, ten studies of the passage of 0.08% in multiple states have found the law to be associated with significant declines in alcohol-related fatal crash and fatality measures (Johnson and Fell, 1995; Hingson et al., 1996; Hingson et al., 2000; Apsler et al., 1999; Voas et al., 2000; Shults et al., 2001; Dee, 2001; Eisenberg, 2003; Bernat et al., 2004; Tippetts et al., 2005).
All of the above laws are general deterrence laws aimed at preventing drivers from operating motor vehicles under the influence of alcohol. Specific deterrence laws seek to reduce recidivism, re-arrests and subsequent alcohol-related crash involvement among drivers convicted of driving while intoxicated. Mandating screening and alcohol treatment for drivers convicted of driving under the influence of alcohol, the law in 41 states, has been shown to reduce recidivism one third more than license actions alone (Wells-Parker et al., 1995). Setting lower legal blood alcohol limits for convicted offenders (Hingson et al., 1998; Jones and Rodriguez- Iglesias, 2005), vehicle impoundment of cars driven illegally by convicted DUI offenders (Voas et al., 1997; 1998) and mandated use of ignition interlock devices to detect positive blood alcohol levels in convicted DUI offenders (Beck et al., 1999) have all been shown to reduce recidivism among convicted offenders.
OTHER RESEARCH PROGRESSEnforcement and educational strategies informing the public of drunk driving laws and their enforcement can produce alcohol-related crash declines that exceed those achieved solely by passage of a law.
Publicized sobriety check points are a highly effective impaired driving deterrent (Castle et al., 1995; Lacey et al., 1999; Shults et al., 2001) and in some statewide quasi experimental studies have yielded declines up to 20% in alcohol-related fatal crashes. Checkpoint effectiveness is linked to the deterrent effects of checkpoints, not the likelihood of arresting high percentages of drivers stopped (Fell et al., 2004).
Elder et al. (2004) in a systematic review of eight mass media campaigns to reduce alcohol-related traffic crashes concluded that media campaigns that are carefully planned, well executed, attain adequate audience exposure and are implemented in conjunction with other ongoing prevention activities such as enhancing alcohol impaired driving law enforcement are effective in reducing alcohol impaired driving and alcohol-related crashes.
Individual Oriented Interventions
These interventions focus on changing the knowledge,
attitudes, beliefs and behaviors of individuals. Alcoholism treatment
for alcohol abusers/dependents has been associated with reductions in
drinking/driving offenses (Dinh-Zarr et al., 1999). Trauma Centers and
Emergency Department experimental studies of screening and brief intervention
counseling for alcohol problems among people who have experienced alcohol-related
injuries have been associated with reductions in drinking and driving
offenses, and alcohol-related injuries (Gentilello et al., 1999; Monti
et al., 1999; Longabaugh et al., 2001). Brief interventions are short
sessions designed to motivate people to cut down or stop drinking. Annually,
there are approximately 8 million alcohol-related admissions to Emergency
Departments in the U.S. (McDonald et al., 2004). Of these 2.2 million
are recorded as being alcohol-related (McCaig and Burt, 2003). This is
likely an under-estimate due to laws in 28 states and DC that allow insurance
companies to withhold reimbursement for persons injured under the influence
of alcohol (NIAAA APIS, 2005).
A recent review (Elder et al., 2005) identified five papers examining six different school based institutional programs that sought to reduce driving after drinking or riding with a drinking driver. All of the programs provided information to students about the risks associated with these behaviors. Most also focused on skills development, in particular life skills and refusal skills. Reductions in riding with drinking drivers were reported in four studies (Sheehan et al., 1990; Newman et al., 1992; Harre and Field, 1998; Wilkins, 2000). Klepp et al. (1995) found a reduction in driving after drinking as did Harre and Field (1998) for girls but not boys. Most of these studies relied on self report. Only Shope et al. (2001) examined official records regarding moving violations and crashes.
Environmental Interventions
Dram shop laws (Grube and Stewart, 2004), beer keg registration (Cohen et al., 2001), and compliance check surveys to monitor and prevent underage access to alcohol have been found to reduce alcohol-relate traffic crashes (Preussner and Williams, 1992; Grube, 1997; Wagenaar et al., 2000b). Off premise monopoly systems can reduce drinking and driving (Howat et al., 2004) as can mandated server training (Wagenaar and Holder, 1991).
Comprehensive Community Programs
Several carefully conducted community-based
interventions have had particular success in reducing alcohol-related
traffic crashes and deaths (most were NIAAA supported). These programs
typically coordinate efforts of city government, school, health police,
private citizens and their organizations, students, parents and merchants
who sell alcohol. Six comprehensive community programs have shown significant
reductions in alcohol problems including driving after drinking among
adolescents and adults: the Communities Mobilizing for Change Program
(Wagenaar et al., 2000a, 2000b), the Community Trials Program (Holder
et al., 2000), the Saving Lives Program (Hingson et al., 1996), the Matter
of Degree Program (Weitzman et al., 2004), a college community intervention
(Clapp et al., 2005), and the Fighting Back Program (Hingson et al., 2005).
Two programs (Holder et al., 2000; Wag